Consider the following argument against abortion:
1) It
is prima facie wrong to deliberately kill an innocent person.
2) Human
embryos are innocent persons.
3) Therefore,
abortion, which is the deliberate killing of a human embryo, is prima facie
wrong.
Although not always stated in this exact form, this
is a common argument made against the permissibility of abortion. Let me go
over each premise. Premise (1) states that deliberately killing an innocent
person is wrong. I include "prima facie" here because I want to leave
open the possibility that there may be circumstances in which, all things
considered, the deliberate killing of an innocent person is justified. However,
I will take it as uncontroversial that the deliberate killing of an innocent
person is wrong in the absence of overriding reasons.
Premise (2) states that all human embryos are
persons, a claim that is usually taken to be entailed by the more common claim
that life, or more appropriately personhood, begins at conception. Here,
"persons" and "personhood" are moral terms that are meant to
suggest something with "full moral status," i.e. the moral status
that we normally take adult human beings to have. Specifically, if we believe
that human embryos have full moral status, that means we believe they should be
given the same weight in our ethical decisions as adult persons. For example,
if we have moral obligations to protect an adult person from being killed or to
prevent them from dying in a certain situation, the same obligations hold for a
human embryo in those situations.
As premise (2) is commonly defended by political
conservatives (at least in the United States), let's call this the conservative
claim. The conclusion, then, is that abortion is prima facie wrong - wrong in
the same way the deliberate killing of an innocent adult person is wrong (hence
the common saying, "abortion is murder").
Proponents of abortion can respond in different
ways to this argument. They can concede (1)-(3) but argue that, in some or all
cases of abortion, overriding reasons to premise (1) are present. This would
include those who argue that the rights of the mother trump those of the
embryo. Another way to respond would be to argue that premise (2), the
conservative claim, is false; that is, they can argue that embryos are not
persons and, as a result, don't have the sort of moral status necessary to
protect them from being deliberately killed. A third way to respond--and one
that in some ways I find most interesting--is to attempt to show that very few
people, if any, actually believe the conservative claim. This is the argument I
will present below.
If you're familiar with abortion debates, you've
probably heard about burning-building thought experiments. These thought
experiments usually ask you to imagine a scenario in which two buildings are on
fire, one of which has a living human baby, the other of which has a container
filled with lots and lots of human embryos. The question is posed: assuming you
only have time to save one, do you save the baby or the container? Most of us
respond by choosing the baby.
In an article entitled, "The Scourge: moral
implications of natural embryo loss," Toby Ord updates this
thought-experiment by showing empirical data that something like the
burning-building is happening everyday on a massive scale: spontaneous
abortion. According to various sources of medical data, roughly 50 percent of
all embryos two weeks old or younger are spontaneously aborted each year. To
use some raw numbers, it is estimated that roughly 200 million spontaneous
abortions occur each year.
These numbers may not carry much argumentative
weight by themselves, but if they are combined with the conservative claim that
embryos are persons with full moral status, it logically follows that roughly
50 percent of all human persons conceived each year die within two weeks of conception.
Or, that more than 200 million persons die each year from spontaneous abortion
alone. This is a remarkable result of accepting the conservative claim, so
remarkable that it should lead us to ask why, if we accept the conservative
claim, are we not advocating to combat this great loss of life, what Ord calls
"The Scourge"?
I'm not sure all of what this shows us about our
moral beliefs, but one thing it seems to show is that we don't believe that
human embryos and adult human persons have the same moral status. If we did, we
should expect to see many individuals and organizations attempting to eliminate
the occurrence of spontaneous abortion with as much or more effort and
resources as current attempts to eliminate cancer and various other deadly diseases.
As no disease, natural disaster, war, or human rights catastrophe has ever
killed so many persons as spontaneous abortion, we should expect that solving
this problem would be our top priority. But it isn't. When compared to the
likes of cancer or war, spontaneous abortion isn't even on our moral radar.
Ord takes this argument to be a sort of reductio of
the conservative claim because, while it doesn't show us that the conservative
claim logically entails a contradiction, it does show us that the conservative
claim logically entails a conclusion that we don't believe - that, for
instance, more than 200 million persons die each year from spontaneous abortion
and that we should be putting in immense effort to eliminate its occurrence. If
we don't believe that--which seems likely given our actions (or lack thereof)
and attitudes about spontaneous abortion--then it seems likely that we don't
believe the conservative claim upon which it rests. To the extent that we do
believe the conservative claim, this argument reveals a morally egregious
inconsistency between our actions and what we avow.
Assuming that this is right, where does this leave
us with the abortion debate? It certainly doesn't settle it, but Ord's argument
raises doubts about a fundamental premise often used in arguments against the
permissibility of abortion - the claim that human embryos are persons or the
related claim that personhood begins at conception. It raises doubts, not by
showing that these claims are false, but by showing that very few of us, if
any, actually believe them to be true.